To reclaim Chicago, union power must be curtailed
Prior to the 1970s, Chicago operated under the spoils system, better known as “to the victor belongs the spoils.” The major departments were Streets and Sanitation (Streets and San), Water, Sewers, Building and Codes as well as the Park District (which was a political entity of its own). At the time, hiring was based on political loyalty which manifested itself in campaigning with “bring out the vote” operations. There are 50 wards in Chicago, some of which had as many as one third of the residents employed by the Chicago or the Park District. The hiring process made lords out of the aldermen and serfs out of the employees, many of whom were precinct captains.
In the 1970s and 1980s, significant changes occurred. It has been a mixed bag as to whether the changes were beneficial or not. The three big developments that took place were the Constitutional Convention of 1970, the Shakman Decrees in 1972, and the Illinois Labor Relation Act of 1983. The aldermen went from being omnipotent to being highly influential.
The 1970 constitutional convention: A new foundation
The 1970 Illinois Constitutional Convention, often referred to as "Con-Con," was convened in response to growing demands for modernization of the state’s outdated 1870 constitution. Approved with 63 percent vote in a 1968 referendum and held in Springfield from 1969 to 1970, the convention brought together 116 elected delegates — including political reformers like Michael Shakman — to reimagine the structure and functions of Illinois government.
The resulting constitution, ratified by voters in December 1970, introduced sweeping changes across a range of issues. Among its most impactful provisions was the grant of “home rule” authority, allowing municipalities and counties with more than 25,000 residents to govern themselves more freely without state legislative approval. This shift empowered local governments to manage their affairs — including taxation, licensing, and zoning — with unprecedented autonomy.
Without a doubt the most far-reaching provisions concerned the state's fiscal architecture, enshrined in Article VIII of the new constitution. Section 8, the “pension protection clause”, states that membership in a public pension system “shall not diminished or impaired.”
Article VIII: Institutionalizing fiscal responsibility
Article VIII of the 1970 Illinois Constitution focuses on the state's financial operations, establishing rules for budgeting, spending, and transparency. Its most quoted clause, Section 2(b), mandates that the state's appropriations for any fiscal year “shall not exceed funds estimated by the General Assembly to be available during that year.” In other words, the state is constitutionally required to balance its budget — at least on paper. Unfortunately, it wasn’t worth the paper that it was printed on.
However, while Article VIII laid the groundwork for responsible budgeting, it lacked robust enforcement mechanisms. Over time, Illinois policymakers exploited budgetary loopholes — borrowing, pushing costs into future years, and underfunding pensions — to balance budgets in appearance only. These shortcomings contributed to the state’s long-term fiscal instability, despite Article VIII’s intentions.
The Shakman Decrees: Ending patronage, elevating merit
While the new constitution was being drafted, another major reform effort was underway in the courts. In 1970, Michael Shakman filed a federal lawsuit challenging the long-standing practice of political patronage in Chicago and Cook County.
The resulting Shakman Decrees — issued in a series of federal rulings beginning in 1972 — prohibited patronage hiring and firing for most government positions. The 1972 decree banned political hiring for non-policy-making roles; the 1983 decree prohibited political firings and discipline. Subsequent rulings extended these rules to other agencies as well as suburban governments.
The effect of the Shakman Decrees was transformative. They helped dismantle the political machine's grip over public employment and shifted hiring and promotion toward a more merit-based, civil-service-oriented system. In doing so, they also altered the balance of power in public sector labor. No longer dependent on political bosses for job security, workers increasingly turned to unions for representation and protection. I’m sure that it sounded good at the time. The reality has been quite different.
A new era of public governance
Together, the 1970 Constitution, Article VIII, and the Shakman Decrees marked a turning point in Illinois' government. The Constitution established a framework for fiscal responsibility and decentralized governance. Article VIII aimed to institutionalize financial transparency and discipline. The Shakman Decrees, meanwhile, stripped away the political control that had corrupted public employment for decades.
Public sector unions filled the void left by the decline of patronage. By the early 1980s, Governor Jim Thompson codified this shift by signing the Illinois Public Labor Relations Act and the Illinois Educational Labor Relations Act, formally granting collective bargaining rights to public employees across the state. Now all of Chicago’s departments and the Chicago Teachers Union are calling the shots. Jim Thompson was the first of the Republicratic governors, succeeded by Jim Edgar and George Ryan. Bruce Rauner made an ultimately futile attempt at reform.
Illinois has evolved into a full blown, one-party state. The corruption now is not a mom-and-pop operation, but rather an industrial strength operation. The power brokers speak with perfect grammar and are better dressed, but the corruption is worse. Republicans must present themselves as the reform party. Constitutional reforms are the most important. Public sector employees are a minority of the population, but they never miss a vote. Republicans better have that same zeal if they want to succeed. If it worked north of the Illinois border it can be done in Chicago.
